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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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fail to provide a lasting and satisfactory solution.
" The Polish-Russian dispute can be divided into four parts : (1) guaran-
tees for the re-establishment of a free,, sovereign^ independent. Polish State ;
(2) the frontier problem; (3) civil administration in the territory liberated
by the Red Army; and (4) future Polish-Russian relations.
" With regard to the first problem^ I greatly appreciate all the favourable
statements about the future of the Polish State made by Mr. Churchill and
other members of His Majesty's Government in the House of Commons.
" But these do not seem to justify the amputation of the eastern part of
Poland;, which is not all marshland, but includes territory of vital importance.
I believe we could base the future of a country faced with such enormous
difficulties3 only on international treaties of an explicit character. My
Government intends 3 therefore3 to do the utmost to obtain, first of all,
formal Allied guarantees for the re-establishment of the Polish State. When
we have secured that, we can undertake the discussion of frontier adjustment.
" I am aware that this problem is not an easy one. But before accepting
any definite frontier changes my Government has to obtain the consent of
the Polish Underground State representing the people of Poland.
" In spite of the German oppression, the Polish Underground has sur-
vived the Warsaw disaster, and is now again fully active . . . we are consulting
them on all matters of State importance.
" We have put forward our claims against Germany and demanded the
incorporation into Poland of East Prussia, Upper Silesia and parts of
Pomerania, and we appreciate the positive attitude of the Allies, including
Soviet Russia, who promised to help in this matter. But we do not want
to expand our frontier in the west to include eight to ten million Germans.
That is, we do not want either Breslau or Stettin. We are claiming just
our ethnical and historic Polish territories which are under German domina-
tion.
" When the full guarantee of our national existence is obtained, my
Government should be able without any difficulty to deal with all other
outstanding questions, such as those I have mentioned, including good
neighbourly relations between Russia and Poland within the framework of
general security in Europe and in the world."
Arciszewski's remark regarding ' Breslau and Stettin * was not upheld
by the National Democrat and Peasant Party and was an expression of
his own personal opinion.
It seems pointless to quote the comments of the English Press on the
conclusion of this debate. There was an endeavour to explain something
which could not be explained within the meaning of democracy, i.e.,
might before right and that the weak should perish. G. K. Chesterton
had once written : " We know what pardon and what peace will keep
our little masters dumb. The men that sell what others make, as vultures
eat what others lay, will prove in matching plume with plume., that
nought is black and all is grey."
The regimented section of the British Press headed by The Times and
supported by the Daily Worker, endeavoured to disguise the feeling of
uneasiness by commencing an outcry against these ce senseless Poles "
and led a campaign of misrepresentation., concerning the actual situation
with regard to Poland, repeating the Communist charges that the Polish
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